A influência da referencialidade no processamento de orações relativas em português brasileiro / The influence of referentiality on relative clause processing in Brazilian Portuguese

Gitanna Brito Bezerra, Márcio Martins Leitão, Lorrane da Silva Neves Medeiros

Abstract


Resumo: Neste artigo apresentamos dois experimentos que foram conduzidos para investigar, no português brasileiro, o papel da referencialidade no processamento de orações relativas associadas a Sintagmas Nominais complexos (SNs complexos) do tipo substância (como “a bolsa de (do) couro”). O experimento de leitura automonitorada revelou uma preferência imediata pela aposição não local, evidenciando uma forte influência da referencialidade do N1 no processamento da oração relativa. O experimento de rastreamento ocular, por sua vez, revelou um efeito imediato da referencialidade do N2: uma aposição local é favorecida quando o N2 é referencial e uma aposição não local é preferida quando o N2 não é referencial. Nossos dados vão na direção do que é proposto pela Hipótese de Construal (FRAZIER; CLIFTON, 1996).

Palavras-chave: processamento; orações relativas; referencialidade.

Abstract: In this paper we report two experiments that were conducted to investigate the influence of referentiality on the processing of relative clauses associated with complex noun phrases of substance reading (like “the bag of (the) leather”). The self-paced reading task showed an immediate preference for high-attachment, revealing a strong influence of N1 referentiality on relative clause processing. The eyetracking study, in turn, revealed an immediate effect of N2 referentiality: low attachment is favored when the N2 is referential and high attachment is preferred when the N2 is non-referential. Our data are in tune with the general proposal of the Construal Hypothesis (FRAZIER; CLIFTON, 1996).

Keywords: processing; relative clauses; referentiality.


Keywords


processing; relative clauses; referentiality.

References


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DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2237-2083.25.3.1397-1431

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